mirror-epstein-docs/results/IMAGES003/DOJ-OGR-00006853.json

{
  "document_metadata": {
    "page_number": "18",
    "document_number": "452-2",
    "date": "11/12/21",
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  "full_text": "Case 1:20-cr-00330-PAE Document 452-2 Filed 11/12/21 Page 18 of 45\n276 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE 20(2)\nexamples of this usage were found in the research questions, interview guides, and surveys examined: \"How and when do people decide to tell others about their early sexual experiences with adults?\" (Hunter, 2011, p. 161); \"Some men take many years to tell someone that they were sexually abused. Please describe why it may be difficult for men to tell about/discuss the sexual abuse\" (Easton, Saltzman, & Willis, 2014, p. 462). \"Participants were asked a series of open-ended questions to elicit a narrative regarding their experiences of telling . . .\" (McElvaney, Greene, & Hogan, 2012, p. 1160). \"Who was the first person you told?\" (Schaeffer, Leventhal, & Anes, 2011, p. 346).There was sound consistency between studies, defining disclosure in multifaceted ways with uniform use of categories of prompted, purposeful, withheld, accidental, direct, and indirect. However, defining the period of time that would delineate a disclosure as delayed varied widely across studies, wherein some studies viewed 1 week or 1 month as a delayed disclosure (i.e., Hershkowitz et al., 2007; Kogan, 2004; Schönbucher, Maier, Moher-Kuo, Schneider, & Lamolt, 2012). Other studies simply reported average years of delay sometimes as long as from 20 to 46 years (Easton, 2013; Jonzon & Linblad, 2004; Smith et al., 2000).Second, the number of qualitative studies has increased significantly over the last 15 years. This rise is in response to a previous dearth of qualitative studies. Based on Jones's (2000) observation that disclosure factors and outcomes had been well documented through quantitative methods; in a widely read editorial, he recommended \"Qualitative studies which are able to track the individual experiences of children and their perception of the influences upon them which led to their disclosure of information are needed to complement . . .\" (p. 270).Third, although a few studies strived to obtain representative samples in quantitative investigations (Hershkowitz, Horowitz, & Lamb, 2005; Kogan, 2004; Smith et al., 2000), sampling was for the most part convenience based, relying on voluntary participation in surveys and consent-based participation in file reviews (Collings, Griffiths, & Kumalo, 2005; Priebe & Svedin, 2008; Schönbucher et al., 2012; Ungar, Barter, McConnell, Tutty, & Fairholm, 2009a). Therefore, generalizability of findings is understandably limited. The qualitative studies used purposive sampling as is deemed appropriate for transferability of findings to similar populations. Some of those samples contained unique characteristics, since they were sought through counseling centers or sexual advocacy groups. These would be considered clinical samples producing results based on disclosures that may have been delayed or problematic. This might presumably produce data skewed toward barriers and bring forward less information on disclosure facilitators.Through an in-depth, second-level analysis, this review identified five distinct themes and subthemes beyond the general trends as noted earlier.Theme 1: Disclosure is viewed as an ongoing process as opposed to a discrete event—iterative and interactive in nature. A subtheme was identified regarding disclosure as being facilitated within a dialogical and relational context is being more clearly delineated.Theme 2: Contemporary disclosure models reflect a social-ecological, person-in-environment perspective to understand the complex interplay of individual, familial, contextual, and cultural factors involved in CSA disclosure. Subthemes include new categories of disclosure and a growing focus on previously missing cultural and contextual factors.Theme 3: Age and gender are strong predictors for delaying disclosure or withholding disclosure with trends showing fewer disclosures by younger children and boys. One subtheme emerged that intrafamilial abuse/family-like relationship of perpetrator has a bearing on disclosure delays or withholding.Theme 4: There is a lack of a cohesive life-course perspective. One subtheme includes the lack of data within the 18- to 24-year-old emerging adult population.Theme 5: Significantly more information is available on barriers than on facilitators of CSA disclosure. Subthemes of shame, self-blame, and fear are uniformly identified as disclosure deterrents.Disclosure as an ongoing process: Iterative and interactive in nature. Disclosure is now generally accepted as a complex and lifelong process, with current trends showing that CSA disclosures are too often delayed until adulthood (Collin-Vézina et al., 2015; Easton, 2013; Hunter, 2011). Knowledge building about CSA disclosure has moved in the direction of understanding this as an iterative and interactive process rather than a discrete, one-time event. Since the new millennium, disclosure is being viewed as a dynamic, rather than static, process and described \"not as a single event but rather a carefully measured process\" (Alaggia, 2005, p. 455). The catalyst for this view originates from Summit (1983) who initially conceptualized CSA disclosures as process based, although this notion was not fully explored until several years later. Examinations of Summit's (1983) groundbreaking proposition of the CSA accommodation (CSAA) model produced varying results as to whether its five stages of secrecy, helplessness, entrapment and accommodation, delayed, conflicted, and unconvincing disclosures, and retraction or recantation, hold validity (for a review, see London, Bruck, Ceci, & Shuman, 2005). However, the idea of disclosure as a process has been carried over into contemporary thinking.Recently, McElvaney, Greene, and Hogan (2012) detailed a process model of disclosure wherein they describe an interaction of internal factors with external motivators which they liken to a \"pressure cooker\" effect, preceded by a period of containment of the secret. Moreover, this and other studies strongly suggest disclosures are more likely to occur within a dialogical context—activated by discussions of abuse or prevention forums providing information about sexual abuse (Hershkowitz et al., 2005; Jensen, Gulbrandsen, Mossige, Reichelt, & Tjersland, 2005; Ungar et al., 2009a). The term DOJ-OGR-00006853",
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      "content": "Case 1:20-cr-00330-PAE Document 452-2 Filed 11/12/21 Page 18 of 45",
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      "type": "printed",
      "content": "276 TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE 20(2)",
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      "content": "examples of this usage were found in the research questions, interview guides, and surveys examined: \"How and when do people decide to tell others about their early sexual experiences with adults?\" (Hunter, 2011, p. 161); \"Some men take many years to tell someone that they were sexually abused. Please describe why it may be difficult for men to tell about/discuss the sexual abuse\" (Easton, Saltzman, & Willis, 2014, p. 462). \"Participants were asked a series of open-ended questions to elicit a narrative regarding their experiences of telling . . .\" (McElvaney, Greene, & Hogan, 2012, p. 1160). \"Who was the first person you told?\" (Schaeffer, Leventhal, & Anes, 2011, p. 346).",
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      "content": "There was sound consistency between studies, defining disclosure in multifaceted ways with uniform use of categories of prompted, purposeful, withheld, accidental, direct, and indirect. However, defining the period of time that would delineate a disclosure as delayed varied widely across studies, wherein some studies viewed 1 week or 1 month as a delayed disclosure (i.e., Hershkowitz et al., 2007; Kogan, 2004; Schönbucher, Maier, Moher-Kuo, Schneider, & Lamolt, 2012). Other studies simply reported average years of delay sometimes as long as from 20 to 46 years (Easton, 2013; Jonzon & Linblad, 2004; Smith et al., 2000).",
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      "content": "Second, the number of qualitative studies has increased significantly over the last 15 years. This rise is in response to a previous dearth of qualitative studies. Based on Jones's (2000) observation that disclosure factors and outcomes had been well documented through quantitative methods; in a widely read editorial, he recommended \"Qualitative studies which are able to track the individual experiences of children and their perception of the influences upon them which led to their disclosure of information are needed to complement . . .\" (p. 270).",
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      "content": "Third, although a few studies strived to obtain representative samples in quantitative investigations (Hershkowitz, Horowitz, & Lamb, 2005; Kogan, 2004; Smith et al., 2000), sampling was for the most part convenience based, relying on voluntary participation in surveys and consent-based participation in file reviews (Collings, Griffiths, & Kumalo, 2005; Priebe & Svedin, 2008; Schönbucher et al., 2012; Ungar, Barter, McConnell, Tutty, & Fairholm, 2009a). Therefore, generalizability of findings is understandably limited. The qualitative studies used purposive sampling as is deemed appropriate for transferability of findings to similar populations. Some of those samples contained unique characteristics, since they were sought through counseling centers or sexual advocacy groups. These would be considered clinical samples producing results based on disclosures that may have been delayed or problematic. This might presumably produce data skewed toward barriers and bring forward less information on disclosure facilitators.",
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      "type": "printed",
      "content": "Through an in-depth, second-level analysis, this review identified five distinct themes and subthemes beyond the general trends as noted earlier.",
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    {
      "type": "printed",
      "content": "Theme 1: Disclosure is viewed as an ongoing process as opposed to a discrete event—iterative and interactive in nature. A subtheme was identified regarding disclosure as being facilitated within a dialogical and relational context is being more clearly delineated.",
      "position": "body"
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    {
      "type": "printed",
      "content": "Theme 2: Contemporary disclosure models reflect a social-ecological, person-in-environment perspective to understand the complex interplay of individual, familial, contextual, and cultural factors involved in CSA disclosure. Subthemes include new categories of disclosure and a growing focus on previously missing cultural and contextual factors.",
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    {
      "type": "printed",
      "content": "Theme 3: Age and gender are strong predictors for delaying disclosure or withholding disclosure with trends showing fewer disclosures by younger children and boys. One subtheme emerged that intrafamilial abuse/family-like relationship of perpetrator has a bearing on disclosure delays or withholding.",
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      "content": "Theme 4: There is a lack of a cohesive life-course perspective. One subtheme includes the lack of data within the 18- to 24-year-old emerging adult population.",
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    {
      "type": "printed",
      "content": "Theme 5: Significantly more information is available on barriers than on facilitators of CSA disclosure. Subthemes of shame, self-blame, and fear are uniformly identified as disclosure deterrents.",
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    {
      "type": "printed",
      "content": "Disclosure as an ongoing process: Iterative and interactive in nature. Disclosure is now generally accepted as a complex and lifelong process, with current trends showing that CSA disclosures are too often delayed until adulthood (Collin-Vézina et al., 2015; Easton, 2013; Hunter, 2011). Knowledge building about CSA disclosure has moved in the direction of understanding this as an iterative and interactive process rather than a discrete, one-time event. Since the new millennium, disclosure is being viewed as a dynamic, rather than static, process and described \"not as a single event but rather a carefully measured process\" (Alaggia, 2005, p. 455). The catalyst for this view originates from Summit (1983) who initially conceptualized CSA disclosures as process based, although this notion was not fully explored until several years later. Examinations of Summit's (1983) groundbreaking proposition of the CSA accommodation (CSAA) model produced varying results as to whether its five stages of secrecy, helplessness, entrapment and accommodation, delayed, conflicted, and unconvincing disclosures, and retraction or recantation, hold validity (for a review, see London, Bruck, Ceci, & Shuman, 2005). However, the idea of disclosure as a process has been carried over into contemporary thinking.",
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      "content": "Recently, McElvaney, Greene, and Hogan (2012) detailed a process model of disclosure wherein they describe an interaction of internal factors with external motivators which they liken to a \"pressure cooker\" effect, preceded by a period of containment of the secret. Moreover, this and other studies strongly suggest disclosures are more likely to occur within a dialogical context—activated by discussions of abuse or prevention forums providing information about sexual abuse (Hershkowitz et al., 2005; Jensen, Gulbrandsen, Mossige, Reichelt, & Tjersland, 2005; Ungar et al., 2009a). The term DOJ-OGR-00006853",
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    "people": [
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      "Easton",
      "Saltzman",
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      "Leventhal",
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      "Tjersland"
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    "organizations": [
      "TRAUMA, VIOLENCE, & ABUSE"
    ],
    "locations": [],
    "dates": [
      "2011",
      "2014",
      "2012",
      "2007",
      "2004",
      "2013",
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      "2005",
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      "1983",
      "11/12/21"
    ],
    "reference_numbers": [
      "Case 1:20-cr-00330-PAE",
      "Document 452-2",
      "DOJ-OGR-00006853"
    ]
  },
  "additional_notes": "The document appears to be a court document related to a case involving child sexual abuse. The text is dense and technical, suggesting that it is intended for an audience with a background in psychology or law. There are no visible redactions or damage to the document."
}